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In memoriam: Tadeusa Mazowiecki (1927 – 2013)

In memoriam: Tadeusa Mazowiecki (1927 – 2013)
THANK YOU MR. MAZOWIECKI
Mazowiecki, a man who could not tolerate aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and genocide against its citizens
Institute for Research of Genocide Canada would like to thank Mr. Tadeusa Mazowiecki for a major contribution to peace worldwide. Special thanks for his great contribution to the truth about the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and genocide against its citizens, and for justice for the victims of these worst crimes in Europe since the Holocaust.
Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Eastern Europe’s first democratic prime minister after communism, key adviser to Poland’s Solidarity freedom movement and U.N. human rights envoy to Bosnia in the 1990s, has died. He was 86.
Mazowiecki’s personal secretary, Michal Prochwicz, told The Associated Press that the former prime minister died early Monday in hospital. Prochwicz said Mazowiecki was taken to hospital on Wednesday, with high fever.
A lawyer by training, a writer and thinker by temperament, Mazowiecki was well equipped for his role in ousting communism from Poland and shaping a democracy. As prime minister, he called for drawing a “thick line” to separate the communist past from new Poland, a much-criticized position which contributed to his ouster after a year in office.
He made a crucial decision in August 1980 to join thousands of workers on strike at the Gdansk Shipyard to demand restitution of a job for fired colleague, Anna Walentynowicz, better pay and a monument to workers killed in the 1970 protest. Within days, their action grew into a massive wave of strikes that gave birth to Solidarity, Eastern Europe’s first free trade union and a nationwide freedom movement, led by a charismatic shipyard electrician, Lech Walesa, whose name quickly became known around the globe.
Walesa later said that “everybody was very glad that the intellectuals are with the workers. It was a very important signal for the authorities.”
From the days of the strike until well into Poland’s democracy in the 1990s, Mazowiecki was among Walesa’s closest counsellors. He advised Walesa in the tough yet successful negotiations with the communists, who granted union and civic freedoms in 1980.
Politicians and friends said Monday his death was a great loss to Poland’s politics.
Fighting back tears, President Bronislaw Komorowski said the Poles should think with gratitude about everything that has happened in Poland since 1989. National flags on government buildings were lowered at half-staff.
Walesa said it was a “pity that such great people are dying. We could have used his wisdom today.”
Poland’s last communist leader, Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski, who was president when Mazowiecki was prime minister in 1989-90, said he “appreciated Premier Mazowiecki’s wisdom, moderation and presence of mind in assessing difficult situations, and his stubborn insistence on things that he considered to be key.”
“He was prime minister at a very difficult time,” Jaruzelski said. “It required a lot of wisdom and tact to lead Poland through the great reforms.”
Like Walesa, and many Solidarity activists, he was detained for months under martial law that Jaruzelski imposed on Dec.13, 1981, to curb the freedom that had irritated Moscow.
After one year in confinement, Mazowiecki returned to Walesa’s side and wrote reports about the stagnation of social and economic life under martial law.
The hardships inspired a new wave of strikes in 1988. Mazowiecki walked arm in arm with Walesa at the head of angry workers in Gdansk. The renewed protests brought the communists to the negotiating table with Solidarity, to discuss the terms of democratization. Mazowiecki authored many of these terms.
The outcome was Eastern Europe’s first partly free parliamentary election on June 4, 1989 that gave Solidarity seats in parliament and —hard to believe at the time — paved the way for the first democratic government in the cracking communist bloc. In September, Mazowiecki became the region’s first democratic prime minister. His V-for-victory sign to the chamber on appointment became the symbol of Poland’s triumph over communism. Poland’s peaceful revolution initiated changes in the region — climaxing in the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989.
Mazowiecki started as a journalist for Catholic magazines in the late 1940s. A declared believer, he tried to reconcile ethics and religion with politics under the anti-church communist system, imposed on Poland as a result of World War II.
The 1970s marked Mazowiecki’s growing involvement in independent, often clandestine think tanks that educated Poles toward democracy.
Usually serious and pensive, Mazowiecki showed a flash of humour during his policy speech in parliament, when he felt faint. Returning to the floor, he drew applause by saying that the stress and hard work had brought his condition down to the level of Poland’s dilapidated economy.
His government was hastily composed of Solidarity backers, who were experts in their fields but had no government experience. They accomplished a milestone task: within months they laid foundations for a democratic state.
“I had this very strong conviction that we will make it, that we will be able to build the foundations of a new state on those ruins,” Mazowiecki said in a 2004 interview.
The finance minister, Leszek Balcerowicz, gained universal respect for his unprecedented plan of stringent economic reforms that halted rampant inflation, made the local currency — the zloty — convertible, curbed central governance and paved the way for market economy. The painful effect was high unemployment from closed industries and state-run farms.
Mazowiecki also was accused of leniency for the communists, and many thought the “thick line” amounted to turning a blind eye to past evils. In retrospect, Mazowiecki believed his phrase was “right and wise” as it offered democracy to all Poles, regardless of political views, he told Teresa Toranska in a 2004 interview.
The price of the reforms was high. Mazowiecki unexpectedly lost in the 1990 first free presidential election to a complete unknown, a Polish emigre from Peru, Stan Tyminski. Walesa won in the runoff.
In 1992 Mazowiecki was appointed the first U.N. envoy to war-torn Bosnia and widely reported on atrocities there. Angered by a lack of international reaction to the killings, which he termed as war crimes, he resigned in 1995 after the fall of Srebrenica. Serb troops overran the city and killed some 8,000 Muslim men and boys, despite Srebrenica being declared by U.N. forces as a safe heaven. At the time of Mazowiecki’s resignation the U.N. was already seeking to react with force, but his move was an additional impulse, although seen by some as backing out.
Mazowiecki said at the time that his resignation was “all I can do for these people to tell the world, the Western and U.N. leaders that the situation cannot go on this way.”
He continued as lawmaker and politician in Poland and co-authored the 1997 Constitution. He served as adviser to President Komorowski since 2010.
Mazowiecki was born April 18, 1927, in the central city of Plock to the deeply religious family of medical doctor, Bronislaw Mazowiecki. His father died in 1938.
Under the Nazi German occupation of Poland during World War II, in which 6 million Polish citizens were killed, teenage Mazowiecki worked as a messenger for the city hospital and for a trade company.
After the war, Mazowiecki studied law at the Warsaw University but did not obtain a degree, engaging instead in journalism and politics.
He was twice widowed. His first wife, Krystyna, died of tuberculosis within a year of their marriage. His second wife, Ewa, the mother of his sons Wojciech, Adam and Michal, died in 1970.

In memoriam: Tadeuš Mazovjecki (1927 – 2013)
Mazowiecki, čovjek koji nije mogao podnijeti agresiju na Republiku BiH I genocid nad njenim građanima
Institut za istraživanje genocida Kanada se zahvaljuje gospodinu Tadeuš Mazovjecki za veliki doprinos svijetskom miru. Posebno se zahvaljujemo za njegov veliki doprinos istini o agresiji na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu i genocidu nad njenim graÄ‘anima, i za pravdu za žrtve tih najvčcih zločina u Evropi poslije Holokausta.
Tadeusz Mazowiecki, prvi nekomunistički premijer Poljske, umro je u 86. godini. Tokom svoje političke karijere bio je i specijalni izaslanik Komisije za ljudska prava UN-a za Bosnu i Hercegovinu.
Advokat po struci, književnik i mislilac po temperamentu, Mazovjecki je bio dobro pripremljen za svoju životnu ulogu: svrgavanje komunizma i oblikovanje demokratske Poljske. Kao premijer se, meÄ‘utim, nije dugo održao na funkciji, svega godinu dana. Smijenjen je jer je uporno zahtijevao da nova demokratska država mora dati jednaku šansu svim Poljacima, bez obzira na njihovu “komunističku prošlost”. Mnogi su mu zamjerili “premekan odnos” prema komunistima, a on samo nije htio izazvati “lov na vještice”. Najvažniji potez u političkoj karijeri, Mazovjecki je napravio u augustu 1980.godine kada se pridružio štrajku hiljada radnika u brodogradilištu u Gdanjsku. Tražio je tada da se na posao vrati otpuštena koleginica Ana Valentinovic, bolje plate i spomenik radnicima koji su poginuli na protestima 1970.godine. U nekoliko dana ovaj je protest prerastao u veliki val štrajkova iz kojih se rodio pokret SolidarnošÄ‡. Bio je to prvi nezavisni sindikat u cijeloj istočnoj Evropi, na čelu s karizmatičnim električarem Lehom Valesom, čije ime je ubrzo postalo poznato širom svijeta. U jednom intervjuu, Valesa je izjavio da je upravo sprega radnika i intelektualaca poslala vlastima važan signal koliko je stvar ozbiljna. Od početka štrajka do kasnih devedesetih, Mazovjecki je bio Valesin savjetnik, čak i u mračno vrijeme spornih zakona generala Vojćeha Jaruzelskog, kada je SolidarnošÄ‡ zabranjena, a Valesa i Mazovjecki završili u zatvoru. Kada je pušten, Mazovjecki je ostao uz Valesu i pisao analitičke izvještaje o dubokoj stagnaciji društvenog i ekonomskog života pod vojnom upravom. Teškoće, siromaštvo i besperspektivnost inspirisali su novi val štrajkova, 1988. Mazovjecki je, rame uz rame, išao s Valesom na čelu gnjevnih radnika koji su marširali ulicama Gdanjska. Ovi su protesti doveli komuniste za pregovarački sto, što je rezultiralo i prvim djelimično slobodnim istočnoevropskim parlamentarnim izborima, 4.juna 1989.godine. To je utrlo put “pucanju” svih komunističkih režima u bivšem Varšavskom paktu. Obično ozbiljan i zamišljen, Mazovjecki je imao istančan smisao za humor. Kada mu je u parlamentu pozlilo za govornicom, kazao je da su mu stres i naporan rad organizam doveli u stanje u kojem se nalazi ruševna poljska ekonomija.
Godine 1992. Mazovjecki je izabran za prvog izaslanika UN-a u ratom razorenoj BiH, kako bi ispitao masovne zločine koje su srpske snage počinile u toj zemlji. Razljućen nedostatkom meÄ‘unarodne reakcije na ubistva, koje je nazvao ratnim zločinom, on je, nakon pada Srebrenice, 1995.godine, dao ostavku na prestižnu funkciju. U svom obraćanju, jula 1995.godine, Mazovjecki je ostavku objasnio riječima: “ovo je jedino što mogu uraditi za jadne ljude u BiH. Cilj mi je svijetu, zapadnim i UN liderima ukazati da se ovakva situacija ne smije dalje trpjeti!”
Mazowiecki je bio veliki zagovornik zaustavljanja krvoprolića i genocida u Bosni i Hercegovini. U augustu 1992. godine Ujedinjene nacije su ga izabrale da prati dešavanja u našoj zemlji i osigura da ljudska prava ne budu kršena.

MeÄ‘utim, nešto manje od tri godine kasnije, nakon pada zaštićene zone Srebrenice, Mazowiecki je podnio neopozivu ostavku na mjesto na koje je izabran zbog toga što, kako je tada kazao, nije mogao učestvovati u samo teoretskom procesu zaštite ljudskih prava u BiH.

“Želim reći da svoju ostavku tretiram kao protest protiv bespomoćnosti i pomirenja sa tom bespomoćnosti. Dosegli smo vrlo kritičnu tačku i meÄ‘unarodna zajednica ne može ovo tretirati kao egzotičnu materiju koja je daleko od njih, jer su principi meÄ‘unarodnog suživota ugroženi”, kazao je Mazowiecki u intervjuu koji je dao u augustu 1995. godine, nedugo nakon što je Srebrenica pala u ruke Ratka Mladića i njegovih krvnika.

U tom intervjuu on je žestoko kritikovao meÄ‘unarodnu zajednicu, prvenstveno SAD i Veliku Britaniju, koje su odugovlačile kada je riječ o akciji u našoj zemlji u periodu od 1992. do 1995. godine.

“Ne volim prognozirati, niti sam prorok. Naš cilj je mir i samo mir. Ali, mislim da smo dosegli tačku kada pregovori i mir ne mogu biti postignuti bez reorganizacije. Dosegli smo tačku kada ova grupa (bosanskih Srba) ucjenjuje cijelu meÄ‘unarodnu zajednicu i bez reogranizacije tamo neće biti mira”, poručio je tadašnji specijalni izaslanik Komisije za ljudska prava UN-a za Bosnu i Hercegovinu.

“Ne želimo umrijeti za Sarajevo”

Nadalje, Mazowiecki je govorio i o klimi koja je u to vrijeme vladala u međunarodnoj zajednici.

“Kada bi neko od predstavnika oružanih snaga iz BiH zatražio aktivnije učešÄ‡e meÄ‘unarodne zajednice i uključivanje u sukobe, političari su govorili u smislu ‘Ne želimo umrijeti za Sarajevo’. Imamo situaciju u kojoj mala grupa voÄ‘a bosanskih Srba potresa supermoćne zemlje. Želim reći da bez jedinstvenog stava, bez dosljednog stava i dosljedne odlučnosti, tamo neće biti mira”, kazao je Mazowiecki 1995. godine.
U novembru, u drugom intervjuu, bivši premijer Poljske govorio je i o rezoluciji kojom su Srebrenica i Žepa proglašene “sigurnim zonama”.

“Rugali su se svim meÄ‘unarodnim pravilima. Zaštićene zone su pravi primjer toga. UN-ova rezolucija je bila samo komad papira. NATO, najmoćnija svjetska organizacija, nije ih mogla efikasno braniti. Kako ljudi poput Radovana Karadžića, lidera bosanskih Srba, mogu proći bez kazne meÄ‘unarodne zajednice? Suočavamo se sa ozbiljnim korakom unazad kada je riječ o meÄ‘unarodnom poretku”, govorio je Mazowiecki prije 23 godine.

On je izrazio veliku sumnju u meÄ‘unarodnu zajednicu i pitao se čemu 78 rezolucija za bivšu Jugoslaviju kada se nijedna od njih ne poštuje.

“Može li meÄ‘unarodna zajednica šutjeti pred licem agresije? Ne! Zbog čega onda prihvatamo dešavanja u slučaju Bosne?”, pitao se tada Mazowiecki.

“Cilj je istrebljenje muslimana”

U svom pismu ostavke tadašnjem predsjedniku Komisije za ljudska prava UN-a Musi Hitamu, pad Srebrenice i Žepe naveo je kao glavni razlog napuštanja pozicije na koju je došao ’92. godine.

“Suočavamo se sa borbom jedne države, članice UN-a, za preživljavanje i multietnički karakter. Stvarnost ljudskih prava je ilustrirana kroz tragediju ljudi iz Žepe i Srebrenice. Ja nisam uvjeren da će se prekretnica, kojoj smo se nadali, desiti i ne mogu nastaviti učešÄ‡e u pretvaranju da se štite ljudska prava”, napisao je Mazowiecki 27. jula 1995. godine.

U razgovoru za agenciju Associated Press krajem oktobra 1992. godine, Mazowiecki je kazao da je cilj agresije na BiH istrebljenje muslimana.

“Ovaj cilj postižu kroz ubijanja, premlaćivanja, silovanja, uništavanja i prijetnje. Muslimani su primarne žrtve”, napisao je bivši poljski premijer u izvještaju Komisiji za ljudska prava UN-a.

Mazowiecki, dokazani prijatelj koji je mnogo doprinio u zaštiti istine o proteklim ratnim dešavanjima u BiH, postao je počasni doktor na Tuzlanskom univerzitetu. Kao čovjek koji je u teškim trenucima bio uz BiH, ostao je vezan za našu zemlju sve do smrti. Godine 2002. je odlukom Gradskog vijeća Grada Sarajeva Mazowiceki postao počasni graÄ‘anin Sarajeva.

“Gospodin Mazowiecki je jedna od malobrojnih meÄ‘unarodnih ličnosti koja je ostavila dubok i veoma pozitivan trag u nedavnoj prošlosti naše zemlje. Izuzetne su njegove zasluge za mir u Bosni i Hercegovini, njegovo ogromno zalaganje da se čuje istina o onome što se ovdje dogaÄ‘alo, kao i i njegovo izuzetno časno i moralno držanje u okvirima institucija meÄ‘unarodne zajednice u kojima je istrajno djelovao u korist naše zemlje”, naveli su iz graske Uprave u obrazloženju odluke.

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